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Thursday, May 26, 2005

Manhigut Yehudit Weekly Update
The Jewish Leadership Movement
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for the 17th of Iyar 5765 (May 26)This update can also be read online at:

In this week's update:
Wild Flowers Grew in the Garden
Moshe Feiglin Warns: Beware of Provocateurs
A Visit to the AIPAC Convention in Wash. D.C.Announcements
New Articles
New Audio Uploads
New Torah Sparks
This Weeks Special Features

Wild Flowers Grew in the Garden
David was six years old when Rabin shook hands with Arafat. He didn't understand very much, but only remembered the _expression of helplessness on the face of his father, Yehuda.
After completing his service in the Israeli army, Yehuda married Tamar who had at the same time received a BA from Bar Ilan University. The loving couple built their home in a well-established settlement located 25 minutes from Jerusalem. This was during Shamir's period as prime minister, when it seemed that the Likud would rule forever. Although the Left continued to apply pressure, nothing seemed to threaten the future of the settlements. Government publicity on TV encouraged Israeli citizens to buy houses beyond the Green Line. The publicity slogan was "a place in the heart" (of the country).

Everything was wonderful. David was their first child, followed by a sister and two brothers. Then Shamir gave in to the pressure of the Left and went to the Madrid Conference. There in Madrid it was already clear that Arafat was returning to the scene, and when the Israelis realized that this was the name of the game, they handed over the reins of the government from Shamir, who had waged a fighting retreat, to Yitzhak Rabin. Rabin, the CGS in the Six Day War, was regarded as Mr. Security and, furthermore, promised a peace agreement within six months.
Yehuda and Tamar saw their secure world crumbling around then. Rabin (followed by Peres and Netanyahu) handed over the heart of the country to Arafat, armed his murderous organization with great quantities of weapons, and awarded international legitimacy and extensive economic aid to the enemy, while at the same time suppressing the sounds of protest that began to be heard amongst the Israeli public.

We could perhaps have swallowed all these troubles, but worst of all was the loss of the basis of national justice. We were no longer the good guys and our enemies were no longer the bad guys. "It's not us against them", explained Rabin, "but peace lovers against the enemies of peace from both nations".

Yehuda and Tamar were born a short time after the Six Day War and experienced the feelings of that victory. They remembered Operation Entebbe, and the bombing of the nuclear reactor in Iraq. For them the State of Israel represented justice, readiness to fight for it, and the capability of achieving it. Suddenly everything changed -- the new equation detached Yehuda and Tamar from their just State of Israel, and turned them into enemies of the State and the nation. Their prime minister placed them together with the Hamas and the Hizballah (that were also opposed to Oslo). From now on they would no longer be pioneers in the forefront of Zionism, but its enemies.

Yehuda began participating in various protest activities. They didn't change anything, but at least helped him to relieve his frustration. When the Zo Artzeinu movement blocked the roads in the country, little David had just celebrated his seventh birthday. His mother told him to look after his brothers because she had to go and bring Daddy home from jail.

Ariel Sharon lay at that time in a protest tent and maintained a hunger strike against the government's policy. Afterwards Rabin was murdered, all the protests were stopped, and Peres took his place. Peres was given a golden opportunity to hand over to the terrorists all the towns in Yesha (Judea and Samaria), without any opposition, and he exploited it fully.

Later there were elections, which Netanyahu won, and then continued in exactly the same direction. Now Yehuda was in total despair. At that time the Arab terrorism increased in intensity: buses were blown up and horrors we had never previously experienced became routine events. The lives of the settlers became cheap, and in some isolated settlements they buried almost 10% of their men-folk.

Three years later Ehud Barak defeated Netanyahu in the elections. Just as in the time of Shamir, now also the Israeli public wanted a prime minister who could promise them everything. Rabin, the much decorated and determined general, had promised peace within six months and defeated Shamir, and now Barak, a similar figure to Rabin, promised peace within three months and defeated Netanyahu. Neither Shamir nor Netanyahu attempted to propose an alternative to the promise of peace of the Left. Their hesitation was manifest and their defeat was only a matter of time.

Barak tried to realize his promise by handing Jerusalem over to the enemy, but the terrorism that naturally increased prevented him from doing so. He ordered the IDF to flee in humiliation from Lebanon, and thus brought the city of Hadera within the range of the Hizballah's missiles. This led inevitably to his defeat.

The peak of the terrorist offensive began in 2000 after Sharon visited the Temple Mount. Arafat called it the Temple Mount War, and he was right. In the election campaign that followed, Yehuda stood at road junctions and handed out material in support of Sharon. He wasn't a Likudnik, but for him Sharon represented a lifeboat in the crisis. Apart from that, who else was there to vote for? Barak?

The public, that had already begun to realize the meaning of the Left's peace, fled from everything exuding a smell of Oslo. They wanted someone who would achieve real, not imaginary peace, would wage a small war and bring all this horror to an end. The Likud achieved a resounding victory, and Ariel Sharon became prime minister.

At the beginning of the decade that followed Rabin's hand shaking with Arafat, Yehuda fought to return to Israel what it had lost. He still remembered the feelings of victory, of belonging to a country in the right, of solidarity that crossed all the political lines. He was an enthusiastic Zionist, and wanted to return to the good, old Zionism that he knew.

However, Yehuda had an open mind, and when Netanyahu continued the Oslo process, he realized that the problem didn't lie simply with who was in power, the Left or the Right, the Labor Party or the Likud. A small pamphlet called Lechatchila began to appear in the synagogue in his settlement. The ideas expressed in it seemed to him to be totally naïve. They talked about the need to set up a belief-based alternative for the leadership of the country.

Yehuda didn't believe that it was possible, but he also realized that there was no other solution. He joined the ranks of Manhigut Yehudit (The Jewish Leadership Movement), and instead of clinging to the Israel that he had lost, he began to dream and to promote the belief-based one, that would eventually replace the one that had failed.

Little David grew up and became a strong, vital boy. A wild flower had grown in the garden of Yehuda and Tamar. David and his friends wore large kippot (scullcaps) and grew long, curly peot -- a kind of unconscious protest against the knitted kippa (scullcap) that was hidden by his father's Palmach-style haircut. Although Yehuda never changed his own appearance, he liked this fashion of the young people living in the hilltop settlements.

A new spirit began to emerge in Yesha. Yehuda couldn't explain it, but it made him feel good. He stopped clinging to the old-style Zionism, and realized that his son was representing something far more relevant.

His son David had never experienced the feelings of victory. The State hardly existed for him. It had not protected him against the Arabs who constantly hurled stones at the school bus he traveled in. It had not saved the father of Uri, his best friend, from that terrorist attack. It had released jailed terrorists who had blown off the legs of Shmuel, who sat behind him in class.
For David a bulletproof bus, concrete walls, and sand bags in the windows were routine things. Not only had the State failed to solve the problem, it had in fact created it, and even persecuted those who tried to defend themselves.

Yehuda and Tamar explained to David that the problem did not lie with the State but with the government. We love the State and the government will change. But David didn't really succeed in understanding these nuances. For him the State did not represent justice, but his parents and his friends did. The teachers and the settlement represented justice, but the State, the army, and the police were something mixed up, that sometimes protects me and sometimes persecutes me. They were something pitiful, that you have to hold onto, to prevent it from getting away.

David and his friends grew up in this duality during the Oslo decade. When Sharon decided to destroy entire settlements and evict their residents, David and his friends were 16 years old. They grew up with a great contradiction -- between wonderful G-d-fearing education, love for the nation and the country, restraint, pioneering, and self-sacrifice -- that they received from their parents, and the impotence, nihilism, and criminal abandonment radiated by their State.
David and his friends grew up with feelings of moral superiority over the State and its institutions, for which his parents still retained some degree of respect. But for David and his friends respect for the State had not ended. It had simply never begun. Yehuda didn't believe that the day would come when he would return his officer's card to his commander in the crack unit in which he served. "I joined the IDF in order to defend Jews and not evict them", he explained. "The day will come when the Israeli Army will return to its former state, and then I will be pleased to serve in it again".

Last week David and his friends sat down in the center of a major traffic route. When the policemen hit them, they laughed, as they had already seen far more dangerous things. When the police officer announced that those who wouldn't leave would be arrested at once, David and his friends surrounded him and vied to be the first arrested. David and his friends had already won.

When the prisoners were brought to the cells they sang loudly, and when the Police requested them to identify themselves, to give fingerprints, and be released under restrictive conditions, they laughed again and refused to cooperate. Their feelings of moral superiority dispelled their fear of the system and its enforcement agencies. The weapon of arrest and trial had totally lost its power of deterrence. The system found itself helpless in the face of a reality it had never expected.

However, the peak of the strength of the act displayed in the "Practice Run" could only be appreciated two days later. David and his friends were brought before a judge for extension of their period of detention. "We are prepared to release them", explained the exhausted police representative to the amazed judge, "but none of these minors is prepared to identify himself or to pledge not to repeat his action."

The judge looked in astonishment at the happy youngsters facing him. "Where are their parents?" he cried. "What kind of parents abandon their children in this way!" Yehuda, who sat at the back, stole a glance at his son who was clearly one of the leaders of the group. Tamar held back her tears. It wasn't easy for a mother who wanted to get up and hug her son in such a situation.

But David was already in the future, in a liberated Jewish Israel. Yehuda and Tamar had given up the old Israel and they were with him, with little David who had run forward, and had jumped from the existing "enlightened" dictatorship to the consciousness of freedom.
Yehuda and Tamar are nearing forty. Their son, David, is aged 16. They are together in this struggle and no-one can resist them. They have already won.
audio Listen to Moshe Feiglin about the new generation -- a "Silver Platter."

Moshe Feiglin Warns: Beware of Provocateurs
The success of the "Practice Run" operation of the National Home movement brought home to Sharon and the extreme Left pulling the strings behind him that with G-d's help the eviction plan will fail.

Sharon is not the kind of man who gives in easily. If he and the Left cannot evict the Jews of Gush Katif by sheer force, they can initiate acts of provocation. The situation in Israel today is chillingly similar to the situation before Rabin was shot. During that period, when it seemed that popular resistance to Oslo was about to defeat the plan, the GSS employed provocateurs to discredit the opposition. Today, the stakes are even higher. If the Left does not succeed in destroying Gush Katif, they know that they are finished. And the Left is traditionally not deterred by bloodshed. If a "settler" opens fire on soldiers, G-d forbid, the entire resistance to the eviction can be neutralized. Certainly no settler would do such a thing. And if no authentic settler can be found to fire the first shot, there are provocateurs that can do the job.
We shall defend Gush Katif and the State valiantly. We shall not permit the Left -- which desires to prove that they are not Jews but rather citizens of the world -- to create provocative acts of mutual firing. We shall never bring weapons to the regions of the confrontation. Anyone who does so will be regarded as an agent provocateur and removed from the area. For more on this subject see Moshe Feiglin's article: Civil War

A Visit to the AIPAC Convention in Wash. D.C.
Shmuel Sackett (Manhigut Yehudit's International Director), joined the AIPAC convention in Washington this week. Shmuel spent his days in the different meetings and discussions mingling with the 5000 Jews that came from all over the USA. During the evenings, Shmuel opened up a guest room in the hotel and invited all the participants to cake and coffee. His main goal, to use every minute possible to try and influence another soul.

As Shmuel said "The Jews that come to participate at this convention are the greatest. They come out of their true love and concern for the Land and People of Israel. The only problem is that they are completely uninformed with what is really happening in Israel and what Sharon and his mafia are truly planning. After you explain to them the simple facts that they didn't know (facts that have purposely been kept from them) it is very easy to convince them to oppose the disengagement from Gaza".

The climax of the convention was when Prime Minister Sharon spoke. As he mentioned his disengagement plans, two Jews (out of 5000) got up and yelled at him that he would never be successful (of course both were Manhigut Yehudit members -- Shmuel Sackett and Tova Abady). It only took about 30 seconds for the security agents to drag them out, but some of the crowd began to applaud, and there were shouts for and against. Sharon's speech was disrupted, reminding him once again that not everybody is in his pocket.
audio Click here to listen to Shmuel Sackett's report, live from the AIPAC convention in Wash DC.

Starting on Thurs. afternoon, the 17th of Iyar - the eve of Lag Ba'omer (May 26) Dimitri Parnas will start recruiting new Manhigut Yehudit Likud members, in Miron. This is the most effective, long-term action to take in the political field. Dimitri needs your held. Call him now at 052-2840605 (Israel).
The public is requested to come to the demonstrations held opposite the jails. The flame of the struggle being waged stubbornly within the walls must be allowed to spread outside them also. Details can be found on the Manhigut Yehudit Hebrew website.

In the session of the Supreme Court held this week, in the presence of five judges headed by Barak, Moshe Feiglin represented himself and achieved a significant victory. As of now, there is no moral turpitude associated with the offence of incitement to rebellion, of which Feiglin was found guilty in the past. Because of the length of this week's update we shall give details of the drama that took place in the Supreme Court in next week's update.

This week Moshe Feiglin and Michael Fuah met with members of the Hakerem branch of the Likud in the Carmel Market, Tel Aviv. Yosef Mantinban from Yitzhar also participated in the meeting. Next week a similar meeting will be held in the Likud branch in North East Tel Aviv. It is recommended to come and participate. This is a real experience.

New Articles
An Open Letter to the Residents of Gush Katif by: Michael Fuah
Block Those Streets By Shifra Shomron (18 years old) Neve Dekalim
Jewish Peace -- The Torah Portion of Bechukotai by: Rabbi Dudi Spitz

New Audio Uploadsaudio Click here for links to the following audio files:
Shmuel Sackett: A Live Report from the AIPAC Convention in Wash. DC [first day]
Shmuel Sackett: A Live Report from the AIPAC Convention in Wash. DC [second day]
Moshe Feiglin: A New Generation In Israel -- The "Silver Platter"

Keep up to date with the latest articles and audio updates.Visit our "What's New? web page
New Torah Sparks
The angels danced and celebrated before Jacob when he entered the Land of Israel.(Breishit Rabah 74)
Whoever has the merit to connect to the Holy Land in his lifetime merits to connect in the future to the Holy Land in Heaven Above.(Zohar)
Click here for more Torah Sparks

This Weeks Special Features
Featured Reading: Read about the: The Goal The Struggle for Eretz Yisrael and the Existence of the State by: Moshe Feiglin
"Palestinians" Don't Exist… but Neither Do "Israelis" by: Shmuel Sackett
Featured Audio: audio Survival Versus Identity by: Moshe Feiglin
audio The Root of the Problem by: Shmuel Sackett

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